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The dictionary compilers incorporated in their definitions, the laughable suggestion that Europeans are Indigenous to Australia, New Zealand, Canada and America. Such is delusionary writing by any standard.
3.The spread of the black/white people phenomenon has now reached epidemic proportions; in many features, its movement is similar to that of the bubonic plague, alias! “The Black Death”, that swept through Europe during the Middle Ages. However, unlike that plague, the people’s demarcating colour system operates selectively. the drawn conclusion is based on the fact that; the people’s colour term “white” only applies to those who have origins from the Continent of Europe. That remains the case, despite the hundreds of millions of people from other parts of the world, who shares the same skin complexions as the so-called “white” people from Europe who are exempted from the so-called “whites” category. Similarly, the people’s colour term blacks, is mainly deployed to represent people who have origins from the African continent with dark skin pigmentation and there again, that remains the case despite the existence of hundreds of millions of people from other parts of the world who have the same skin complexion as the so-called “blacks” from Africa yet are not referred to in such a demeaning manner.
It should not be misconstrued that this paragraph is advocating that the hundreds of millions of people on the Indian subcontinent and the many others elsewhere in the world, who happen to have dark skin complexion, should be referred to as being “blacks”. Neither is it being proposed that the hundreds of millions of people in the Far and Middle East with light skin complexion should be called “white” people.
The simple argument presented here is; that the use of the two colour terms for human demarcation is carried out with a sinister inconsistency. A further disturbing aspect of such language use is that; only 20% of the world’s human population is affected by that ridiculous human colour-coding system. Thereby, 80% of the world’s human population is exempted from the obscene human demarcation colour system. That anomaly not only creates a dichotomy between the so-called “blacks” and “whites” but also provides for the polarisation between the exempted 80% and the already contesting “blacks” and “whites” 20% group.
That on-going debacle is further exacerbated, by the now growing trend in language use whether in writing or speaking, whereby, African people indigenous to and living on the Continent of Africa are now being referred to as “black Africans.” The practice is spearheaded and encourage by Europeans, in order to maintain their well-established agenda of keeping African people pegged to the, “just blacks” status.
Nonetheless, that faulty language use also suggests that there are such people as “white” Africans, which is a phrase not generally written or spoken. Further, it also infers that people who have their origin from the Continent of Europe should be called “white” Europeans, thereby raising the prospect of there being a group of people referred to as “black” Europeans.” Gladly, such inappropriate language use, is rarely spoken or written. Further, there is in place a great effort on the part of Europeans to make the “black” Africans become an accepted precedence.
Should the said become the case, then; there would be a need to denote other nationals in the same manner. Such would take the form of “black” West Indians. ( On a point of correction, the term West Indies and West Indians are void of any geographical or people descriptive legitimacy and the phrase “black Caribbean” would be equally bogus) nonetheless, the terms are maintained in place due to cultural inertia. Because of such, this short discursive exercise must continue along those warp language paths. Therefore, such persons as “white” West Indians or Caribbean would become an acceptable phrase. The same branch of speaking would also apply to what are now throwback terms, namely, “yellow Chinese,” and the old favourite “red” Indians.
If such seriously flawed language uses are taken to their natural conclusion, then there will be a need to create a people complexion-calibrating instrument to monitor the on-going fallacy. On its given scale, the pale of pink or light cream skin complexion will represent the “whites” zone, and correspondingly light tan to very dark brown would represent the “black” zone. Also, on that given human barometer colour scale, there would be a point where the not-so “white” people became “black” people, and the not-so “black” people became “white” people. It would then be assumed that; the position before that divergence of the black /white colours would be representative of the people who are now referring to themselves as “the people of colour.” That bogus label is ironic; as such language use is just a roundabout way of saying “coloured people,” a term which is a throwback to its hey-day when such language use for the demarcation of humans was deemed to be prejudicial or its alias term “racism.” Putting that outlined conundrum into some imaginable context, it all amounts to herd mentality galloping backwards.
This writing has already adequately made the case that using colour terms to separate humans into “race” categories is absurd at best. The said is because our place of geographical origin adequately suffices that purpose. So it is clear that colouring as a means for people’s description is a legacy from previous malicious and prejudiced generations. Despite that, we are all seemingly predisposed to accept such without objections. The begged question is: what contribution have African people worldwide made to the now well-established and seemingly unstoppable trend of “white” and “black” people? In answer to that, African people are in no way culpable for such devious language use.
The said is the case, because of the overwhelming empirical evidence which clearly shows that from the mid-16th century to the mid-20th century, most African people on the continent and those in the Diaspora were under complete subjugation by Europeans and Middle Eastern people. In those barbarous times, captured Africans taken from the mainland for enslavement, were transported in conditions not fitting for pigs and treated worse than that, when they arrived in the so-called “new world.” As a direct result, many Africans, particularly those in the diaspora, remain perplexed about who they are. That condition has manifested into a state of cultural paralysis. The said makes the case very well, that African people worldwide are in no way liable for the malicious manipulation of the English language in its many forms, including the use of colour terms, to their detriment.
With little doubt, words have long been a vital frontline strike force in the warfare for mind control. Now with the advent of the centrally controlled world media and the rapid development of communication platforms such as the internet, and other social media platforms, all of which are centrally controlled, words can deliver their deadly payload with incredible speed and accuracy. That situation is now very evident in the raging psychological warfare which is constantly taking place, where the misappropriation of language is now a well-entrenched combatant.
In that front line, what is at stake are the valuable assets of African people’s sense of Identity, heritage, and belonging. That state of affairs has been worsened by the seeming willingness of African people worldwide to eagerly embrace the colour term blacks as a satisfactory means for their Identity. They are generally doing so under the mistaken belief that they are doing so, of their own volition since their cultural revolutionary uprising in the 1960s. But in reality, all that has taken place is the inheritance of the terms from the descendants of their ancestor’s enslavers.
What is now clear; is that African people in general, have become unsuspecting victims, caught in the well-made and well-laid “black” trap. That trap can be compared with the calamity the cartoon character Bra-Rabbit found himself, in the classic Walt Disney hybrid film “Songs of the South.” The film’s historical setting was during the closing stage of the American Civil War. The main character is played by an elderly African American male whose role throughout the film, is the narrator of the Bra-Rabbit, Bra-Bare, and Bra-Fox encounters. In the scene now referred to, the quick-thinking Bra-Fox outwitted a very astute but naive Bra-Rabbit. As a result, Bra-Rabbit found himself completely stuck on Bra-Fox’s very well-made and well-laid tar-baby trap.
His pathetic situation became even more agonizing when he had the unfortunate luxury of time to reflect on his gullibility that led to his precarious position. Though the referred-to example is a cartoon depiction of a fable scenario, it quite aptly demonstrates the folly of the use of the colour term black to represent African people worldwide. However, the unsatisfactory situation has come about due to the unseen and, thereby, unintended consequence of the African Americans’ nationwide Civil rights uprising throughout America The movement, was generally sporadic from its inception in the mid-1950s and remains so throughout its evolution. To make matters worse, the process mistakenly directed itself down the “I am black and proud route”. That folly has entrapped African people to such an extent, that it now seems that our state of identity vacuum has been hermetically sealed forever.
One of the many adverse fallouts of the African American Civil Rights uprising is that it produced an endless stream of the misuse of the black colour term as a reference for African people worldwide. Those terms and phrases took many forms such as; “black” power, “black” Panthers, black Muslim, black this, black that. Now, as if to add insult to injury, in the 21st century, we have the pathetically named, “black lives matter” crusaders. The constant endeavour by African people to embrace the colour term black is a worthy representation for their identity status, amounts to a great cultural misadventure. It is high time to call on the clowns in this tragic black-and-white circus.
It is common knowledge that the colour term black is also employed figuratively to represent infinite situations as bad, while conversely, the colour term white is usually used to describe all things or situations as good. To expand on the given point, here are some findings from various dictionaries for the present-day symbolic and so-called “race” use of the two colour terms. Starting with the Oxford Dictionary. Its first entry for the word white states; The colour of snow, salt, or light-collared skin, not black, brown, red, or yellow. (Repeat, White is light-collared skin.) “Caucasians” are defined, as members of the so-called white race or having to do with any one of the Caucasus languages of the Caucasus region, such as Georgian. The Caucasus Mountains are speculated to be the early home of Europeans. In figurative use of White, it is Spotless, pure, innocent, honourable, trustworthy, and fair. White is the symbol of purity, goodness, truth, and Whiteness or fairness of skin complexion, as in a white person, a person of the Caucasian race.Caucasians are members of the white race, including the chief peoples of Europe, southwestern Asia, northern Africa, the Western Hemisphere, Australia, and New Zealand. What has become clear from their fictitious composition is that the dictionary compilers have also included the laughable claim that Europeans are Indigenous to Australia, New Zealand, Canada and America; such is delusionary thinking by any standard. Notwithstanding, under the dictionary reference for black, it states;
Having the colour of coal or soot, Opposite to White, a black day, without any light, very dark; the room was as black as night. In other entries about Black, It read dirty, filthy; his hand was as black as soot. We find Angry, gloomy, dismal, complete and unrelieved black despair under figurative use. Black is Figurative, angry sullen. She gave her brother a black look. She was lowering, frowning, and threatening. (Figurative. Evil, wicked, a black lie. Witches (who are fictional) were supposed to practice black magic, Sinister, baneful, and deadly. Having dark skin, swarthy dusky. Also black. Have or have to do with blacks, (b) Resembling blacks, People belonging to any of the black races of Africa. ; brown or black skin, coarse wool hair, and a flat nose. : Blacks are members of any of the black or brown races of Africa or other brown people. Blacks, A person having some black ancestors (subject to precise definition by law in certain states and countries. “Negros” was the preferred term when formerly used in American English speech or writing. This would be the case When the speaker or writer has no intention to demean people of African descent or make reference to them contemptuously.” However, in the mid-1960s, the word black began to gain respectability, as ethnic groups (Whoever they may be?) promoted labels with such slogans as Say it Loud I am black and proud, and on the political platform, “the Black Caucus in America and the black sector in Britain. Black Power, Black is Beautiful. Further, using Black as an adjective is less offensive than in black men.However, using it as a noun between Black and White in this sense is ok. “The term Negro or Negress is considered to be offensive. It is better to say a black person”. “The term black is construed by many as derogative, so the term Africans should be used in its place.” Rylan Fletcher, Senior assistant editor Africa Bulletin and Africa Analyst
This is chapter 3 of his forthcoming book ‘The Black White Explosive’
@ Rylan Fletcher
One of the many aims of this writing is to contribute to the difficult task of finding and gathering the missing pieces that completes the jigsaw of African people worldwide. The prime objective being to bring Africans on the mainland back to some unifying form with those scattered in the Diaspora. By any standard such is a challenging task. There also exists a state of induced inertia among African people worldwide against such efforts. The complete cycle is further compounded by the fact that there are thousands of tribes all speaking difference languages on the African Continent. That difficult unifying condition is replicated throughout the African diaspora.
To overcome that fragmentation of African people worldwide, steady minds and broad vision is required from all aspiring leadership. This writing has already exposed the inadequacies of some so\called leaders of African people on the mainland and in the Diasporas. Most of such, came into place to serve the interest of the European countries that place them there. That on-going situation is more to do with the well-oiled machinery that has been long in place to ensure no emergence of good African leadership. Consequently, there has been a long lineage of inept leadership throughout the African Continent since the demise of colonialism. The process to maintained such, has shown a familiar pattern throughout the Continent, wherein most African countries that gained or won their independence post-colonialism, whether through wars or general rebellion, the subsequent leaders are quickly overthrown and replaced by ones more conducive to the interest of their ex-European colonial masters.
If that is not immediately possible, the newly created uncooperative Nation, would be plunged into tribal or civil war. Such would come about primarily because many different European interests are at stake, and all the respective parties would set about creating and arming factions representing their interests. The practice is not exclusive to the African Continent; it is a widespread power game played by the people with the power to do so.
Hence the reason the so-call super-powers are lock in the endless cycle called the arms race, as no Nation wants to be enslaved by another. For those given reasons good leadership is imperative for the survival and progression of any given nation. Unfortunately, most leaders of quality that come to the fore in African countries or the Diasporas are generally subdued, assimilated or eliminated.
But there are some exceptions to that rule, and despite all the efforts by the worldwide mass media to suggest the contrary, Robert Mugabe was a prime example of such. He proved over an extraordinarily long time, under very hostile European-created political and economic environments, that he was made of the material for outstanding leadership. Throughout his long life, he adequately proved that, given the opportunity, Africa can produce outstanding leaders who can shine like a beacon for others, showing them the way forward to African unity and prosperity.
For the benefit of all those who were not aware of the magnanimous nature of his character. Drafted below is a transcript of his 1980 Zimbabwe independent day victory speech. The speech was delivered without any traces of recrimination or retribution. Such would be only possible because of his intelligence and soundness of character, which enabled him to be magnanimous in victory. That was the case despite the long and better struggle he lead the people of Zimbabwe through before attaining their liberation from tenacious Europeans.
It reads as follows;
Greetings in the name of freedom, and May I thank you most heartily for your votes and support? I wish to address tonight the significance of the election victory you awarded my party. I feel overwhelmed. At the same time, I feel humbled. I want to thank all those who contributed to this favourable result by their direct vote as our supporters or by their efficient campaigning as our organizers. In addition, I also thank all officials who participated in the mechanical exercise of handling the elections, without whose organizational and administrative efforts the whole election process would have failed.Soon, a new government will come into being and lead our country to independence. In constituting this Government, my main concern, and that of my party, is to create an instrument capable of achieving peace and stability as it strives to bring about progress. Peace and stability can only be achieved if all of us, first as individuals and second as part of the Zimbabwean national community, feel a definite sense of individual security on the one hand and have an assurance of national peace and security. It must be realized, however, that in our determination to achieve a state of peace and security, all of us have to be bound by the explicit requirements of harmony contained in the Lancaster House Agreement, which express the general desire of all the people of Zimbabwe.In that regard, I wish to assure you that there can never be any return to the state of armed conflict that existed before our commitment to peace and the democratic election process under the Lancaster House Agreement. Indeed this is now the time to beat our swords into the ploughshare so we can attend to the problems of developing our economy and society. My party recognizes the fundamental principle that in constituting a government, it is necessary to be guided by the national interest rather than strictly party considerations. Accordingly, I am holding consultations with the other party’s leader, Comrade Joshua Nkomo, so that we can enter into a coalition.What I envisage, however, is a coalition with the interests of reconciliation can include, by co-option, members of other communities whom the Constitution has denied the right of featuring as our candidates by their being given parliamentary representation. We should certainly work to achieve a national front. Whatever Government I succeed in creating will undoubtedly adhere to the letter and spirit of our Constitution since the Government will itself have been the product of such Constitution; only a government that subjects itself to the rule of law has any moral right to demand its citizen’s obedience to the rule of law.Our Constitution equally circumscribes the powers of the Government by declaring certain civil rights and freedoms as fundamental. We intend to uphold these fundamental rights and freedoms to the full. Similarly, it is not our intention to interfere with pension rights and other accrued benefits of civil servants. I may mention here that I have now held discussions with the chiefs of the Joint Operations Commander and the heads of Ministers, and all of them have assured me of their preparedness to work under my Government. I, in turn, have assured them of our concern about their position and the position of the civil servants. We have assured them that it is not the intention of our Government, when it comes into being, to deprive the civil servants of their pension rights and accrued benefits, nor do we want to drive anybody out of this country, nor do we intend to interfere unconstitutionally with the property rights of individuals.I urge you, whether you are African or European, to join me in a new pledge to forget and forgive our grim past, join hands in new amity, and together as Zimbabweans, trample upon tribalism and regionalism and work hard to reconstruct and rehabilitate our society as we reinvigorate our economic machinery. The need for peace demands that our forces be integrated as soon as possible so we can emerge with a single national army. Accordingly, I shall authorize General Walls, working in conjunction with the comrades and commanders of the opposing sides, to preside over the integration process. We shall also happily continue to enjoy the assistance of the British military instructors. Finally, I assure all the people that my Government will strive to bring about meaningful change in their lives. However, everyone should exercise patience, for change cannot occur overnight. Let us be united in our endeavor to lead the country to independence. Let us constitute a oneness derived from our common objectives and total commitment to building a great Zimbabwe that will be the pride of all Africa. Let us deepen our sense of belonging and engender a common interest that knows no colour or creed. Let us genuinely become Zimbabweans with a single loyalty.Long live our freedom.
Any impartial reader of this excerpt from my forthcoming book, with the good fortune of coming across the above great speech would be in no doubt that its writer is not of the material that tyrants are made from. The address is an outstanding example of a peace-keeping document. Nonetheless, it is a fact that many African people have absorbed the worldwide propaganda campaign which has worked ceaselessly to bring about the demise of Robert Mugabe and thereby would disagree with the above presentation of him. The crusade to bring about the destruction of Robert Mugabe had been up and running long before he became the president of Zimbabwe.
His European adversaries launched that massive counter Mugabe campaign because it was evident to those concerned that their interest would be at risk under any form of Mugabe leadership. The main protagonists behind the relentless drive to discredit and destroy Mugabe was the British Government with the support of her prodigal Son America and their other European family members. The British Government spearheaded the vicious economic blockade and disinformation campaign against Robert Mugabe and the Zimbabwean people for over 40 years. Notwithstanding, the indelible spirit of the Mugabe leadership and the tenacity of the Zimbabwean people held fast against ex-colonialists begrudging the loss of a valuable land mass.
For those not aware of Robert Mugabe’s magnanimity, the following few pages have been dedicated to some of his outstanding achievements for the people of Zimbabwe and the African Continent as a whole. Commencing with; he spent some time in Ghana during the rise of the great Pan-Africanism movement, where he came under the influence of some of the most progressive and aspiring African leaders of those times. Such would include the likes of Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Kenyatta of Kenya, and Kwando of Zambia. From there, he emerged in the early 1960s as a schoolteacher of repute, where he applied his profession under the duress of the European repressive Rhodesian regime. That regime imprisoned and tortured him for ten years because he displayed exemplary leadership qualities. During his imprisonment, between being tortured, he somehow manages to increase his already respected portfolio of degrees.
On his release from prison, he wasted no time as he quickly joined his country’s freedom fighters in the jungles and hills of the bordering countries of Zambia and Mozambique. From there, he rose through the ranks to become their commander. In that capacity, he successfully steered the movement to a victory that culminated in him forming the Government of the freed African state named Zimbabwe. To achieve such, he and the men under his command had to take on and tactically defeat the combined army of the Rhodesians and the South African army, which had military backing from Europe and America. He achieved the said by forcing all the said protagonists to sue for peace. This they did through a negotiated settlement under the auspices of Margret Thatcher. At the time, she was the prime minister of the British colonial power over the African country, then called Rhodesia.
Notwithstanding, the British Government and their co-conspirators in America and Europe ran a very active and vicious campaign alleging that the Mugabe Government had committed a massacre in the Zimbabwean City of Bulawayo in the early 1980s. In that regard, the matter, construed as a massacre by the British and their supporting conspirators, amounted to this:
The legitimate Government of the new Zimbabwean Nation took proactive and divisive actions to neutralize counterrevolutionary forces headed by Joshua Nkomo, one of the loser to Mugabe in Zimbabwe’s first democratically held election. As usual, what was about to take place at the time for the then newly independent Nation, was simply this; Just because the man backed by certain European interest groups had lost the independent election; the said parties initiated their plan B, which is usually to plunge the offending country into a civil war. The template for such was already well-rehearsed in the brutal Nigerian Biafra civil war during the 1960s.
The developed versions of that template, was at the time, still up and running in many other African countries, including Mozambique and Angola. Notwithstanding, due to his failed insurrection, Nkomo fled Zimbabwe to one of his backing countries, the British Isles. Upon arriving at the British Airport, he lamented contemptuously to the British media that Mugabe was likened to Hitler. Such is ironic; when it is considered that the 16 President of the United States of America, Abraham Lincoln, went to war to keep his country united he was regarded as a hero, yet when an African president does likewise, he is branded a Hitler.
Nonetheless, in the late 1980s, Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe, was amongst the fastest-growing cities in the world, and Mugabe was regarded as a pragmatic leader by some of his adversaries. Throughout the 1980s and 90s, the newly independent Zimbabwe Nation experienced growth in such departments as infrastructural, economic, and academics developments, producing teachers, doctors, nurses, and other professionals well beyond the requirements of the Nation needs and Mugabe successfully maintained peace, unity, and prosperity in the country. After Nkomo’s failed insurrection, Mugabe allowed him back into Zimbabwe and worked with him in a Zimbabwe National Unity coalition party, where Nkomo became prime minister and Mugabe the President.
Not prone to selfishness or inclined to rest on his laurels, Mugabe joined the war in Mozambique very soon after his independent victory in Zimbabwe. He did so to assist his comrade in arms, Samora Machel, in the fight to expel the fascist South Africans and Portuguese insurgent troops that continued to ravage that developing country long after its great struggle and victory for its independence.
Once he achieved success there, he turned his attention to the then long-running Angolan civil war, which has been raging similar to Mozambique since the inception of that country’s independence. His intervention in Angola’s Civil war was facilitated by Mugabe being the sitting chair of the S.A.D.C. (Southern Africa Development Counsel). All those African nations highly regarded Mugabe as a revolutionary and a great political leader in Africa.
Mugabe was also a key player in the re-developing of the region’s southern block community, which provided the template of a similar coalition in the Eastern and Western African nations’ blocks. Undoubtedly, the formations of those African blocks are the first tentative steps towards the eventual unification of that great Continent.
As the chair of the Southern block of African Nations, Mugabe endeavoured to broker a negotiated peace settlement between the main protagonists in the costly in-lives and the long-running Civil War in Angola. In that venture, he was a hair’s breadth away from success in bringing peace to that long-suffering Nation. This was the case because the main protagonist arrived at a preliminary agreement for peace. However, under the presidency of George Bush Sr., the American Government frustrated and ultimately foiled all of Mugabe’s efforts to bring about a settlement.
That situation became the case because President Bush Sr. naturally felt that the man America was backing, Savimbi, would eventually take control of Angola, thereby handing that country’s significant oil and diamond reserves to their American backers. Therefore President Bush snr rearmed the U.N.E.T.A. forces where, from that position of military confidence, the American back counterrevolutionary force re-embarked on the continuation and intensification of that brutal civil war.
Notwithstanding, to his credit, Mugabe succeeded indirectly in his endeavors to halt that seemingly endless civil war in Angola. That occurred when he intervened with military force in another proxy war that erupted in the Congo. He did so with the backing of other Southern African countries. South Africa at the time was under the stewardship of Nelson Mandela, who was lobbied to join the coalition forces. But he declined as he was of the same view as his European contemporaries , who was asking for more peace talks, such invariable translated into giving the other side more time to rearm. Mr Mandela must have been aware of what was at stake in the D.R.C., but he pretended he did not get it. That was the case because, when the Southern African coalition forces entered the war in the D.R.C., The Western-backed anti-Government insurgent forces were less than 10 kilometres from the country’s capital Kinshasa.
However, due to Mugabe’s successful intervention in that war, all the so-called Western block governments regarded him as an exponential threat to European interests in Africa. As usual, the U.K. government led the charge in that endeavour as they intensified their anti-Mugabe rhetoric accusing him of illegally evicting European farmers and persecuting a war in the D.R.C. That said, the facts of their baseless allegation are that Tony Blair’s New Labour British government reneged on the terms of the Lancaster-House treaty to compensate those farmers. Therefore, the British Government are fully responsible for the debacle for the Zimbabwe European farmers.
Notwithstanding, it soon became apparent that Mugabe’s decisive and foresighted actions significantly stabilized the war in the D.R.C. and also, by default, ended the nearly 30-year Angolan civil war. This he achieved because, for many years, the country then known as Zaire (now D.R.C.) was serving as a safe haven for the retreating Angola’s counterrevolutionary force U.N.E.T.A. Their collaboration with the French, the long in place puppet leader Abooto and the American agencies guaranteed such sanctuary.
This was the case because once those retreating troops were back in their haven in the country called Zaire, they would be retrained and rearmed by their American backers, thereby facilitating the perpetuation of the dreadful civil war. However, this ended abruptly when the Angolans, the Namibians, and the Zimbabwean army sent troops into the Congo War. As a result, the U.N.E.T.A. rebel forces could not access their usual retrained and rearmed bases in the African country once known as Zaire. Consequently, the long civil war of Angola ended abruptly when the rebel leader Savimbi, was killed by the Angolan army close to the borders of Zambia. Therefore, as a direct result of Mugabe’s visions and strategy, Africa is a much more peaceful place than it has been since the winding down of colonialism.
Before he came to power, over 60%of, the Continent was gripped into some form of civil or tribal war. That figure is now less than 20% and falling in the 2020s. Some of the leading British business magazines, painted, “Mugabe the danger to Africa.” When in reality the statement meant “the danger to Europeans’ interest in Africa. “And they had all rights for so saying because Robert Mugabe has never hidden his campaign in his many battles for the interest of Africa. It is beyond dispute that he has set a high benchmark for good leadership. Therefore, it is only fitting that his high standards should be a reference point for those who follow or preceded him. Therefore, all aspiring leaders in Africa and those already in leadership should expect critical scrutiny as they endeavor to gather the scattered people on the African Continent and those in the Diaspora with the hope of putting them together again.
By Rylan Fletcher, Associate editor, Africa Bulletin and Africa Analyst.The article is chapter twenty three from his soon to be published book entitled: Exposed: The Black White Factor
Author’s Afterword
The main source for this writing, are many of my retained memories from some of the
numerous events I have experience since the beginning of my conscious life in 1954, to
2024, the time of this book’s publication. However, as a cautionary note, the contents
herein are not recommended for those of a fragile ideological disposition. That would
also be the case if your thoughts are inhibited by religion or similar forms of mind-
restricting agents. Should any of the said be the case and you have chosen to read on,
then please be guided that; you are about to embark on a reading excursion that has
taken the route of brutal truth on its journey to reality.
With a population exceeding 200 million, Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and the seventh most populous country in the world. Its diverse economy ranges from agriculture and mineral resources to technology and creative industries. All these factors combine to create an environment rife with possibilities for big business.
Economic Landscape
Nigeria has a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of over $400 billion, making it one of the largest economies in Africa. The country is not just rich in human capital but also abundant in natural resources, such as oil, gas, tin, limestone, and coal. Nigeria is one of the largest oil producers in the world, with the oil and gas sector accounting for about 9% of the country’s GDP. However, Nigeria is not solely dependent on its oil reserves. The country has been taking significant steps to diversify its economy, and sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and services are increasingly contributing to economic growth.
Market Potential
The country’s large population signifies an expansive domestic market. As the middle-class burgeons, so does consumer spending, estimated to reach as high as $1.4 trillion by 2030. This growing consumer base is drawing the attention of multinational companies in various sectors—consumer goods, healthcare, education, and technology. Companies like Google, Microsoft, and Unilever have already set up operations in Nigeria.
Tech and Innovation
Nigeria is home to one of the fastest-growing tech industries in the world. The city of Lagos has been dubbed the “Silicon Valley of Africa,” where a plethora of startups and tech companies are emerging. Companies like Flutterwave and Andela have made global headlines, securing millions in investment from international venture capitalists. Big tech companies see Nigeria as a fertile ground for growth, not just as a consumer market but also as a talent pool. The rise of tech hubs and government initiatives that support digital transformation further underpin the country’s position as a leading innovation center in Africa.
Agriculture
While agriculture currently employs about 30% of the population, the sector is not yet fully optimized for large-scale commercial farming due to outdated farming practices and limited access to modern machinery. This opens doors for big businesses to invest in agricultural technology and large-scale commercial farming, benefiting both the economy and food security.
Challenges and Risks
While Nigeria presents ample opportunities, it is not without challenges. Political instability, corruption, inadequate infrastructure, and regulatory hurdles can pose significant risks to businesses. The inconsistency in government policies and foreign exchange volatility can also be problematic. However, many companies navigate these challenges successfully by employing local expertise and forming strategic partnerships.
Public-Private Partnerships
Recognizing the importance of foreign investment, the Nigerian government has been encouraging public-private partnerships (PPPs) to improve infrastructure and stimulate economic growth. For example, the Lekki Free Zone, a joint venture between the Nigerian government and a Chinese consortium, aims to create an industrial and logistics hub, attracting billions in investment.
The Future
As Africa’s most populous country, Nigeria remains a key player in the continent’s economic landscape. Its youthful population, increasing urbanization, and growing middle class continue to attract big business from around the globe. While there are certainly challenges to consider, the potential for growth and profitability in diverse sectors is substantial.
In conclusion, Nigeria’s economic landscape is rife with opportunities for big businesses willing to navigate its complexities. With its vast resources, expanding consumer base, and untapped market segments, Nigeria stands as a frontier market that holds promise for those daring enough to venture into it. Companies that can strategically position themselves in this vibrant market will not only gain first-mover advantages but also contribute to the nation’s long-term development. As more multinational corporations recognize Nigeria’s potential, the future looks promising for both the country and investors alike.
Introduction
France’s historical and current engagement with West Africa is a complex, multi-faceted relationship that dates back to the era of colonialism. Although colonial rule formally ended decades ago, the shadow of this period continues to loom large over France’s involvement in the region. France maintains an economic, political, and military presence in several West African countries, purportedly to support development and combat terrorism. However, these interventions often raise ethical questions and have demonstrated limited effectiveness in achieving their stated goals. This essay outlines the compelling reasons why France should remove itself from West Africa, focusing on how such a withdrawal can be beneficial for both the West African nations involved and France itself.
The Legacy of Colonialism
To understand France’s current role in West Africa, one must first acknowledge the colonial history. From the late 19th century until the mid-20th century, France controlled significant territories in West Africa, subjecting the local populations to forced labour, cultural assimilation, and economic exploitation. The legacy of this era remains, most notably through the CFA Franc—a currency used in 14 African countries and guaranteed by the French Treasury. This monetary arrangement has often been criticized for constraining the economic sovereignty of West African countries. A French withdrawal would be a crucial step in addressing this neocolonial relic.
Economic Dependency and Sovereignty
France’s economic influence extends beyond the CFA Franc. Through aid, trade, and investment, France has positioned itself as a key economic partner to many West African nations. While such ties may seem mutually beneficial, they often come with strings attached, including political influence and favorable conditions for French corporations. This arrangement risks reducing West African economies to peripheral players in a France-centered economic system. The withdrawal of France would open up space for these nations to diversify their economic relationships, thereby enhancing their sovereignty and promoting a more equitable global economic order.
Security Concerns: A Double-Edged Sword
France has a significant military presence in West Africa, particularly in the Sahel region. Operation Barkhane, involving over 5,000 troops, aims to combat Islamist militants in countries like Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso. However, despite years of intervention, the security situation remains precarious. Moreover, there is a growing anti-French sentiment among local populations, who view the military presence as an extension of colonial control. By withdrawing its forces, France could pave the way for West African nations to assume full responsibility for their security, possibly through regional cooperation platforms like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
The Cost to France
Maintaining economic and military engagements in West Africa comes at a considerable cost to France. Operation Barkhane alone costs hundreds of millions of euros annually. As France grapples with its domestic challenges—economic inequality, high unemployment, and social divisions—the opportunity cost of its involvement in West Africa becomes more glaring. The resources deployed there could be better utilized to address pressing internal matters. Moreover, as anti-French sentiments grow in West Africa, the risk of backlash against French nationals and interests in the region also increases, adding another layer of cost to the French state.
Ethical Considerations
France’s role in West Africa raises significant ethical questions. The principle of sovereignty insists that nations should be free to govern themselves without external interference. France’s continued involvement often undermines this principle, casting doubt on its commitment to the ideals of democracy and self-determination that it champions globally. A withdrawal would not only rectify this ethical contradiction but also help erase the vestiges of a colonial past, which remains a sore point in the collective memory of both France and the West African nations involved.
Toward a New Partnership
Some argue that France’s withdrawal could create a vacuum that other, potentially less altruistic, powers might fill. However, this line of reasoning often underestimates the capability of West African nations to negotiate new partnerships based on mutual respect and shared interests. A post-withdrawal scenario could witness the forging of newer, healthier relationships between France and West Africa, shorn of the paternalistic undertones that currently mar their interaction.
Conclusion
The call for France to remove itself from West Africa is not merely an appeal to redress historical injustices; it is a pragmatic suggestion rooted in the realities of the 21st century. A French withdrawal would facilitate the full sovereignty of West African nations, allowing them to engage with the world on their terms. It would also free up vital resources for France to tackle its domestic issues more effectively. Perhaps most importantly, it would lay the groundwork for a new relationship based on mutual respect and shared interests, replacing the existing hierarchy with a partnership of equals. Therefore, for both ethical and practical reasons, France should seriously consider disengaging from West Africa in a manner that is thoughtful, responsible, and geared towards the long-term prosperity and dignity of all parties involved.
Ground-breaking takes place at Menengai Geothermal Powerplant to provide Kenyans with green and affordable energy.
-Ground-breaking takes place at the second green infrastructure project fast-tracked by President Ruto and Prime Minister Sunak at COP27
-The installation will generate 35MW of clean and affordable electricity for Kenyans through transparent, predictable and reliable UK investment
-The project is another example of Kenya’s pioneering climate leadership and the mutual benefits delivered through the UK-Kenya Strategic Partnership
The UK and Kenya have again delivered on commitments made at COP27 to combat climate change, create jobs and generate affordable power for Kenyans.
Ground-breaking has taken place at Menengai Geothermal Power Plant, one of the six green investment projects – worth KES 500bn – that were fast-tracked by President Ruto and Prime Minister Sunak at the COP27 climate summit
The project will be led by Globeleq, a UK company backed by British International Investment.
The geothermal plant will generate 35MW of electricity, providing 750,000 Kenyans with affordable, clean energy.
During construction, it is expected the project will create approximately 200 job opportunities for Kenyan workers. Upon operation, it will provide jobs for 35 to 40 permanent staff and contractors.
This makes it the second project to have construction commence. Exactly one month after the summit in Egypt, construction began at Nairobi Railway City – a green rail-centred urban regeneration project in central Nairobi.
These investments are flagship projects of the UK-Kenya Strategic Partnership – an ambitious five-year agreement which is unlocking mutual benefits for the UK and Kenya.
At the UK-hosted G7 in Carbis Bay two years ago, world leaders committed to build a new Global Partnership for Infrastructure. These projects are examples of predictable, transparent and reliable investments by the UK, which do not load Kenya with unsustainable debt.
UK High Commissioner to Kenya Jane Marriott, said:
“This shows that the UK and Kenya go far when we go together – delivering mutual benefits for both our countries. This plant will both advance Kenya’s global leadership on climate change, and bring down the cost of power – showing that green growth is good for business, and good for Kenyans.”
SOURCE British High Commission Nairobi
As Gabon turns the corner on almost a decade of market disruption, the country’s energy sector is emerging with a renewed sense of purpose, backed by progressive regulatory reforms that are now bearing fruit for local and foreign investors alike
Gabon is a country on the move. Powered by forward-thinking policies and a cleaner, more sophisticated oil and gas industry, the country is attracting the attention of investors again on the promise of returning to consistent GDP growth last seen in the 1990s.
Many of these plans were put on hold by the COVID-19 pandemic, which dampened demand for Gabon’s hydrocarbon exports and sucked the punch out of the country’s 2019 reforms to its oil and gas regulations.
But on the back of rising barrel prices and a renewed commitment to exploration, Gabon is turning the corner and reaping the full benefits of reforms that have been years in the making.
Prior to the onset of the pandemic in 2020, the oil price crash of 2014 had also taken its toll on Gabon, for which oil exports accounted for 80% of total exports and 50% of government revenues at the time. OPEC’s decision to increase production in Q3 of that year roughly halved the global price of oil as well as Gabon’s exports. Moreover, reliance on a few large oil fields discovered as far back as the 1950s meant that output was already in decline, coupled with rising costs of production. When global prices collapsed, it rendered most of Gabon’s oil and gas industry unprofitable.
That prompted many foreign oil companies to leave the country in the following years, further compounding pressure on Gabon’s economy. While the country’s aging fields presented less of an appeal to investors, new discoveries and regulatory changes in Guyana, the Gulf of Mexico, Suriname, Namibia and other emerging markets offered better returns on less investment. By 2017, the only oil major still working in Gabon was TotalEnergies (then Total), following the withdrawal of Shell. FDI flows to the country fell from $1.5 billion in 2017 to $846 million in 2018.
Key objective of the revised hydrocarbons code is to eliminate the environmentally harmful practice of flaring associated gas, which previously had been standard practice in Gabon
But not all was lost. A thorough reappraisal of Gabon’s economic trajectory from 2015 identified the need for economic diversification, a transition towards renewable energy and a new set of regulations to govern how the oil and gas industry was administered. The 2019 Hydrocarbons Code (https://apo-opa.info/3oIPjqD) slashed taxes for production companies and cut the required stake of national oil company, Gabon Oil Company (GOC), in all production ventures from 20% to 10%, making Gabon a far more profitable place to do business than it had been since the 1980s.
In line with new commercial terms encouraging investment in Gabon’s petroleum sector, juniors and independents like Assala Energy, BW Energy (https://apo-opa.info/40hzMeJ) and Panoro Energy entered the market between 2016 and 2017, seeking to breathe new life into existing assets through enhanced oil recovery techniques, as well as explore opportunities for marginal field development. In June 2021, Gabon closed its 12th shallow and deep-water licensing round, which saw the provisional award of several blocks, with negotiations still ongoing. Meanwhile, International Oil Companies like TotalEnergies and VAALCO Energy prioritized nearby offshore exploration, which resulted in the South Tchibala 1HB-ST discovery as recently as last June.
The new code also prioritized the utilization of natural gas for the first time. Although Gabon has no proven pure gas fields, the associated gas from its many oil fields represents an underutilized resource that has the potential to transform the country’s economy and enhance power generation capacity. Last February, independent oil and gas company Perenco (https://apo-opa.info/3UsBYi6) secured a final investment decision for a one-billion-dollar, 700,000-ton-per-year LNG export facility in Cap do Lopez to enable the export of Gabonese gas from its offshore fields for the first time. Additionally, the plant will produce 15,000 tons of butane per year, which will substitute around 50% of Gabon’s butane imports, as well as 20,000 tons of LPG, in which Gabon will be self-sufficient.
This was followed by the signing of an MOU two months later with Gabon Power Company for the construction of a 21 MW gas-fired power plant at Mayumba in the south of the country, set to create 450 local jobs and bring electricity to 80,000 households. This will also help unlock the economic potential of a significant portion of the country and its population by raising rural electrification rates, while generating carbon credits for the Gabonese state.
Another key objective of the revised hydrocarbons code is to eliminate the environmentally harmful practice of flaring associated gas, which previously had been standard practice in Gabon. This ambition dovetails a renewed enthusiasm for developing Gabon’s abundant renewable energy potential. Grand Poubara Hydroelectric Dam and Kinguele Aval Hydroelectric Dam, with 160 MW and 70 MW, respectively, are a testament to the government’s ambitions to electrify Gabon’s remote interior without raising carbon emissions. Gabon’s equatorial location and vast solar power potential have also been recognized in recent years. Construction started on a 50 MWp photovoltaic solar power plant in Libreville last year, while the Ndjolé plant at Makokou will boast eight hybrid solar power plants with a total capacity of 2.2 MW.
The implications of these developments are far reaching. Diversifying Gabon’s energy mix and distributing generation capacity beyond the two main cities of Libreville and Port Gentil holds out the promise of economic diversification, industrialization and the inclusion of the majority of Gabon’s population into the world economy. The revised hydrocarbons code encourages foreign investors to get involved in the revitalization of Gabon’s oil and gas sector, while promoting the participation of local companies at various stages in the energy value chain.
All this and more will be further unpacked in Energy Capital & Power’s (https://EnergyCapitalPower.com) upcoming market report, Energy Invest Gabon. Keep following for more information about this exciting report!
The Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) has launched a program to support Member States in modernizing administrative data for statistical purposes.
The program follows the road map for transformation and modernizing official statistics in Africa, which was approved by the ECA’s Conference of Ministers of Finance and Economic Planning last week.
Two workshops are currently underway to kickstart the process in Cameroon and Uganda. The workshops are co-organized by ECA’s African Centre for Statistics (ACS) and national statistical offices in collaboration with the offices of the UN Resident Coordinators.
In a statement delivered on behalf of the UN system in Cameroon on 28 March, Adama Coulibaly, Chief of the Sub Regional Initiatives Section at ECA’s Office for Central Africa, emphasized the need for national statistical systems to “transform and modernize to be more agile and resilient to crises” such as COVID-19.
“COVID-19 has shown that our statistical systems need to move away from current traditional ways of operating to be able to effectively support countries’ sustainable development and transformation agendas,” said Mr Coulibaly in his remarks at the opening of the three-day workshop in Yaounde.
Administrative data sources provide several advantages. They offer high-frequency disaggregated data, which is critical in the SDGs context of leaving no one behind; reduce production costs as data is collected routinely for administrative activities; and decrease respondent burden.
In line with the ECA initiative, Joseph Tedou, Director General of the National Institute of Statistics (NIS) in Cameroon, said the NIS is currently implementing two projects using administrative statistics, namely the Statistical Business Register (SBR) and the turnover index.
The SBR intends to pool registers from different administrations to create a reference directory of legal units registered with the administration, providing an overall view of economic activity and employment.
Meanwhile, the turnover index will use monthly declarations of companies subject to the normal real tax system for the payment of value-added tax (VAT) to calculate the index, aligning with the Special Data Dissemination Standard.
“The decision of the National Institute of Statistics of Cameroon to embark on this path is timely and will improve the availability and use of data,” said Mr Coulibaly.
Mr Tedou expressed gratitude to the ECA “for supporting these important projects” and for making the workshop possible, noting that the initiative aligns with the implementation of the National Development Strategy 2020-2030 and Cameroon’s goal of modernizing its statistical apparatus.
“The NIS hopes to continue its efforts towards modernizing the country’s statistical apparatus and complying with international standards,” said Mr Tedou
ECA officials handed over copies of the road map to the Director of INS Cameroon and the Deputy Executive Director of the Uganda Bureau of Statistics respectively, following a briefing on ECA’s support for their program on the modernization of administrative data.
SOURCE United Nations Economic Commission for Africa
The total private wealth currently held on the African continent is USD 2.4 trillion and its millionaire population is expected to rise by 42% over the next 10 years, according to the latest 2023 Africa Wealth Report, published by Henley & Partners in partnership with New World Wealth.
The report reveals that Africa’s ‘Big 5’ private wealth markets — South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria, Kenya, and Morocco — together account for 56% of the continent’s high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs) and over 90% of its billionaires. There are currently 138,000 HNWIs with private wealth of USD 1 million or more living in Africa, along with 328 centi-millionaires worth USD 100 million or more, and 23 US dollar billionaires.
Despite a tough past decade, South Africa is still home to at least twice as many HNWIs as any other African country, and 30% of the continent’s centi-millionaires. Egypt takes the prize for the most billionaires, and Mauritius boasts the highest wealth per capita (average wealth per person) in Africa, at USD 37,500, followed by South Africa at USD 10,880 and Namibia at USD 10,050.
Africa is home to some of the world’s fastest growing markets, including Rwanda, Mauritius, and the Seychelles, which have seen wealth growth of 72%, 69%, and 54%, respectively over the past decade. In terms of projections, Mauritius is expected to experience the highest private wealth growth rate at 75% over the next decade (to 2032), making it the fourth fastest growing country in the world in millionaire growth percentage terms, after Vietnam, India, and New Zealand.
A ten-year private wealth growth rate of over 60% is forecast for Namibia, with its recently launched residence by investment offering likely to attract high-net-worth investors from across the globe. Commenting in the report, Catherine Shipushu of the Namibia Investment Promotion and Development Board, says the country has one of the largest uranium reserves in the world and is attracting international attention with recent discoveries of gas and oil reserves. “With bold ambitions of becoming the sustainable energy capital of Africa, Namibia’s strategic location and world-class port make it an ideal gateway to over 300 million people in other African markets.”
Dominic Volek, Group Head of Private Clients at Henley & Partners, says more African countries are setting their sights on attracting HNWIs by providing residence and citizenship by investment opportunities that have the potential to transform their economies. “As wealth grows on the continent, we expect to see investment migration continue to gain ground in Africa — not only on the demand side from African HNWIs looking to improve their travel freedom and economic mobility, secure location optionality, and mitigate risk, but also on the supply side, with more and more African nations looking to launch their own programs to increase the inflow of capital and talent.”
Download the Full Press Release and 2023 Africa Wealth Report
New product to help accelerate Africa’s participation in global trade.
As part of its renewed global strategy, pan-African payments infrastructure, Kora has launched USD card-acquiring, allowing merchants on its platform to accept payments in US dollars.
Kora’s Payin service allows merchants to receive customer payments using various popular payment methods, including mobile money, bank transfers and cards. USD card-acquiring is the latest addition to Kora’s suite of currencies that include NGN bank account issuing, payins, payouts and crossborder settlement across multiple countries.
Speaking on the new product, the Head of Product at Kora, Sandra Israel-Ovirih, said, “Incorporating USD card payments has been a priority for a while now. We understand that many businesses operate in a global marketplace and need a seamless payment system to handle cross-border transactions. This will be a game changer for African businesses selling to a global market.”
By introducing USD card-acquiring, Kora plans to enable its merchants to create truly global businesses and contribute to accelerating Africa’s participation in global trade.
“We want the merchants we serve to scale globally. Giving them the option to accept USD is an important milestone in this effort,” said Dickson Nsofor, Kora CEO. “The focus is on Africa. But despite an increase in Africa’s participation in global trade, our contribution is still only around 3%. Giving African businesses the ability to accept global payment will accelerate Africa’s contribution to global trade. Our next step is launching a multicurrency bank account product that allows our merchants to access banking solutions currencies like EUR, GBP and USD via the Kora platform.”
The USD card-acquiring product is the latest in a series of merchant-facing initiatives launched by the company in 2023. Earlier in the year, the company changed its name to “Kora,” moved its domain name to www.korahq.com and launched a new corporate website.
About Kora:Kora is a pan-African payment infrastructure offering a robust payment API for payment collections (payins), disbursements (payouts), and crossborder settlements with offices in Nigeria, Canada and the UK.
Kora’s services enable global companies to scale rapidly across Africa. With a single integration, Kora powers businesses to accept payments, make payouts to customers and settlements across multiple payment channels. For more information, visit www.korahq.com
A worldwide network of water analysis laboratories and a tool to foster collective national level action to improve coordination on water management, were among the commitments announced on Thursday by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) on the margins of the UN 2023 Conference, which has been running in New York since Wednesday and will close on Friday, 24 March.
The commitments, in line with the Water Action Agenda and the push to see all countries achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030, were announced at the SDG Media Zone, which has been the stage for vital discussion and the announcement of other major commitments, while the main plenary and high-level panels have been underway in other parts of the UN Headquarters campus.
Water analysis labs
Announcing the IAEA’s global water analysis laboratory network, known as GloWAL, Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi said that this interconnected network can through the application of nuclear techniques, help countries to identify the nature and characteristics of water (isotope hydrology).
“This technology can help us read many things,” he continued, citing, among others, a water sources’ content, degradation, and renewability. “By establishing this network of labs, we are giving countries the ability to identify from a scientific point of view, the nature of the water issues they are facing” and then developed or adapt policy solutions that address them.
Further, beyond issues related to the global water crisis, GloWAL will also help address another key challenge facing the international community: the technology gap and lagging access to data collection that has long plagued developing countries. “When developing countries do not have the ability to know what the problem is and how to solve it, they are in a much worse situation.”
“So GloWAL is about this: it’s about giving countries the ability to collect their own data. We are going to train them and give them the necessary equipment to do that,” Mr. Grossi explained, adding that: as far as commitments go, this was a very concrete initiative that would help countries be better prepared to face the myriad effects of the water crisis.
Asked to give an example of how the network my work, Mr. Grossi said that while he wouldn’t like to say one country faced more challenges than another, he could point to Tajikistan, the co-host of the Water Conference (along with the Kingdom of the Netherlands).
Indeed, Tajikistan, which is home to massive glaciers that provide much of the region’s freshwater would host a GloWAL laboratory that would monitor the health of those vital water sources.
“Glacier degradation is a very serious problem in this country and by doing this we are giving them the ability to see how fast the glaciers and snowcaps can be regenerated, and how to perhaps better manage the runoff water, because of course, if it is melting, there will be less of it,” he said.
Agriculture is a ‘dealmaker’
For his part, Lifeng Li, Director, Land and Water Division at FAO, said that water accounts for 70 per cent of global freshwater withdrawals, so rather than being a dealbreaker, agriculture could be a dealmaker in dealing with the crisis.
“It is doable,” he said, because there are many solutions to improve efficiency and reduce the amount of water used for agriculture. Indeed, in many larger countries, like China and the United States, the use of more sustainable water and land management practices has seen crop yields increase even as overall water used for agriculture had begun to decline
“Irrigated agriculture is at least three times more productive”, he continued, stressing that the aim should be to improve efficiency, particularly as we would need to produce about 50 per cent more agricultural products for our planet’s growing population by 2050. “We have seen this efficiency lead increased production of ‘thirsty crops’ like rice, sugar cane and cotton.”
“We strongly believe that agriculture can contribute to a more water and food secure world in the future … if we first look at efficiency … and second, the agriculture sector should look at how to re-use and recycle water. For instance, many countries and especially in their urban areas, are making strides to re-use their wastewater, after it has been treated, for agriculture.
With this in mind, he said that FAO had submitted seven commitments to the UN Water Conference, dealing both with policy as well as innovation. Running through all the agency’s initiatives, he noted among them, the National Water Roadmaps towards the 2030 Agenda, a tool to foster collective action at national level to improve cross sectorial coordination on water management and governance in support of the SDGs.
He also announced a “Global Dialogue on Water Tenure” within the framework of water governance, and to engage with Member States, as well as partners from civil society, academia, the private sector, and sister UN agencies, to define principles on the Responsible Governance of Water Tenure.
Working together
Nanette Braun, Conference Spokesperson (UN Department of Global Communications), asked how the two agencies might work together towards the goals of the Water Action agenda and Mr. Grossi said that FAO and the IAEA had been long-time partners in these areas and indeed, they were the only two international organizations to have a joint working centre, in this case for Nuclear Techniques in Food and Agriculture.
“We recognized early on the inextricable nexus between energy and food,” explained Mr. Grossi, and the Joint Centre, where FAO and IAEA experts work side by side, aims to contribute to global food security and sustainable agricultural development worldwide.
For example, as FAO was working on enhancing irrigation and other agricultural techniques, the IAEA worked on drought resistant crops. All this work is carried out to ensure there are no negative environmental impacts. “We are bringing solutions to concrete problems
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